Tag Archives: coronavirus

The Government’s Capacity Delusion

For 25 years, I have worked in professional environments where the word capacity is often wielded less as a measure of actual output and more as a convenient justification for inertia or underperformance. Never has this been more evident — or more dangerous — than in the government’s public claims about coronavirus testing.

Back in late March, Prime Minister Boris Johnson proudly announced the UK’s intention to ramp up daily COVID-19 tests from 5,000 to 10,000, then 25,000, and “hopefully very soon” to 250,000. A month on, with Johnson convalescing from the virus himself, his deputy Dominic Raab declared the government had a capacity of 40,000 tests per day, soon to reach 100,000.

But this is where government rhetoric turns from hopeful to hollow. Ministers are no longer talking about tests actuallyconducted but about capacity — a nebulous term implying that all the ingredients and infrastructure exist to perform those tests, even if they are not currently being fully utilised.

The difference is profound. Having capacity means having resources — kits, labs, staff, supply chains — theoretically ready to deliver. Actual testing, however, depends on the seamless operation of a complex system: from procuring supplies and managing labs, to collecting samples and returning results swiftly to patients.

Here lies the rub: Britain’s health and care sector does not possess this holistic capacity. Years of market-driven reforms — privatisation, outsourcing, the creation of artificial internal markets — have fragmented the system. Coupled with austerity-driven underfunding, this has left the supply chain riddled with vulnerabilities.

The government doesn’t conduct tests itself. Instead, it relies on a patchwork of private contractors, local NHS trusts, public health bodies, and commercial laboratories. Without integrated coordination and investment, these pieces struggle to function as a cohesive whole.

The consequences go beyond testing. Personal protective equipment shortages, care home crises, delayed contact tracing — all are symptoms of a fractured health and social care ecosystem ill-prepared for a pandemic. The care home scandals, epitomised by Winterbourne View and numerous subsequent cases, are a tragic reminder that the pursuit of market competition in health and social care has often come at the expense of patient safety and quality of care.

So while ministers boast about the government’s “capacity” to test 100,000 people daily, the stark reality is that the system to deliver those tests at scale remains deeply flawed. “Capacity” in government statements is often little more than political spin — a way to deflect blame while avoiding the hard work of fixing structural weaknesses.

This fixation on capacity also masks the lived experience of NHS and social care workers, who struggle daily with inadequate resources and conflicting directives. The government’s focus on hitting headline targets obscures the pressing need to build a genuinely resilient and integrated testing and care system.

The broader lesson here is that words matter. In politics and public health, capacity cannot be a euphemism for promise. It must translate into delivery. To claim otherwise is to gamble with lives.

The government must move beyond the illusion of capacity as a comforting statistic and confront the fragmented reality of Britain’s health and social care infrastructure. Only by addressing these long-term systemic failures can we hope to manage this pandemic — and the next crisis — effectively.

Until then, the difference between what the government can do and what it merely plans to do will remain a deadly chasm.

Accountability

The decisions made by Boris Johnson’s Conservative government have had a direct impact on the lives — and deaths — of thousands across the United Kingdom. When lives are at stake, accountability becomes paramount. It was this fundamental truth, alongside growing personal anxieties, that compelled me to write my first blog on the government’s handling of the coronavirus crisis on 28 May 2020. The response was swift and polarised — drawing both criticism and praise.

Throughout history, governments have risen and fallen on the strength of their decisions. Yet in today’s era of “fake news” and a largely compliant media landscape, Johnson’s administration seems to operate with near impunity. His American counterpart once arrogantly declared, “I could shoot somebody and not lose voters.” This chilling admission reflects a dangerous disconnect: a leader unaccountable to a passive electorate. Boris Johnson and his government mirror this same national complacency — shielded by a weak opposition and an electorate reluctant to demand answers.

The UK government behaves like a sponge, absorbing public opinion but spinning it through a narrow populist ideology, endlessly bobbing and weaving through political icebergs. It doles out empty promises, deflects responsibility, and drowns discourse in a flood of meaningless soundbites. Behind the scenes, the administration panics as it struggles to maintain fragile political alliances, blinded by the delusion of representing a “one nation” party. The Prime Minister, terrified of media scrutiny, and a senior advisor bent on “draining the swamp” of the civil service, have fostered a toxic environment where effective governance is impossible.

Meanwhile, on the global stage, Donald Trump threatens to defund the World Health Organisation. At home, the UK government urges footballers to take wage cuts to support the NHS — yet ministers, many of whom are multi-millionaires drawing taxpayer-funded salaries, refuse to make any financial sacrifice themselves. This cynical pantomime serves only to distract from failures with lethal consequences.

Comparisons in UK media focus on countries hardest hit by the virus, such as the US, Spain, and Italy. Rarely are other nations held up — those managing better outcomes for their citizens. The Johnson government’s evasions cannot hide these uncomfortable questions:

  • Why is the UK’s testing capacity so woefully inadequate?
  • Why does the government only publish hospital death figures, excluding community and care home fatalities, unlike France or other countries?
  • Why are frontline NHS and care workers left without adequate personal protective equipment, while the government invests in symbolic gestures like badges?
  • Why did the government allow flights from some of the worst-affected regions without proper screening?

Closer to home, the Republic of Ireland cancelled large gatherings and St Patrick’s Day celebrations early on. The UK, by contrast, permitted events like the Cheltenham Festival, large concerts, and major sporting tournaments — even involving teams from heavily affected countries. At the time of writing, Ireland’s death toll stood at approximately 400, compared to 12,000 in the UK. Adjusted for population, that equates to 7.4 deaths per 100,000 in Ireland versus 17 deaths per 100,000 in the UK — more than double.

Across the Atlantic, California — despite a dysfunctional White House — implemented bans on large gatherings as early as 9 March, followed by stricter limits. The state’s population density may be lower than Britain’s urban centres, but the key difference lies in taking the threat seriously from day one. Dr Neha Nanda, Medical Director of Infection Prevention at Keck Medicine, University of Southern California, told the BBC: “Even being one day ahead can have a huge impact… the mortality we will be able to avert is huge.”

No one yet knows how this pandemic will ultimately conclude for the UK, Ireland, or any nation. But the facts at this moment are stark: British citizens are dying at twice the rate of their Irish neighbours. This reality is neither abstract nor inevitable — it is a consequence of political choices and public health failures.

So why does our national press shy away from reporting this? Why is such a glaring disparity missing from the headlines?

When lives are literally on the line, the public deserves truth, transparency, and most of all, accountability.